{"id":186294,"date":"2026-06-08T16:50:46","date_gmt":"2026-06-08T16:50:46","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/raed.academy\/?p=186294"},"modified":"2026-06-08T16:51:40","modified_gmt":"2026-06-08T16:51:40","slug":"a-history-of-cultural-fusion-and-of-going-there-and-back-again","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/raed.academy\/en\/a-history-of-cultural-fusion-and-of-going-there-and-back-again\/","title":{"rendered":"A history of cultural fusion and of going there and back again"},"content":{"rendered":"
\"Enrique

Enrique Sada<\/p><\/div>\n

Mexican historian Enrique Sada<\/strong>, a regular contributor to the Royal European Academy of Doctors<\/strong> (READ), shares with the academic community the articles \u201cThe Mexican Foreign Service in decline\u201d<\/strong>, \u201cThe heiresses\u201d<\/strong>, \u201cLa Luz del Mundo, facing its victims\u201d<\/strong>, \u201cBlood in the Teocalli\u201d<\/strong>, \u201cThe crimes of Francisco Villa: second round\u201d<\/strong>, \u201cCort\u00e9sian Mexico\u201d<\/strong> and \u201cGonzalo Celorio: pride and identity\u201d<\/strong>, published between April and May in the digital portal C\u00f3digo Libre<\/strong> and in the newspaper \u201cEl Siglo de Torre\u00f3n\u201d<\/strong>, in which he addresses various episodes of Mexican and international current affairs and their historical connections. During the same period, the expert also took part in the outreach channel \u201cRincones hist\u00f3ricos\u201d<\/strong>, hosted by Miguel Amaranto<\/strong>, to analyse, from the standpoint of scientific evidence, the role of Hern\u00e1n Cort\u00e9s<\/strong> 500 years after his incursion into present-day Mexico and the cultural diversity he encountered in a region dominated by the Mexica. Along the same lines, Sada is one of the signatories of the manifesto promoted by M\u00e9xico Mestizo<\/strong>, the H\u00e9roes de Cavite Cultural Association<\/strong> and the Mexican historian Antonio Cordero<\/strong> against the political manipulation of history.<\/p>\n

In \u201cThe Mexican Foreign Service in decline\u201d<\/strong>, the historian denounces the degradation of Mexican diplomacy. \u201cAmong the very few former glories that used to identify the old post-revolutionary regime in Mexico was the Mexican Foreign Service<\/strong>, endowed with great trained cadres, most of them from the Mat\u00edas Romero Institute<\/strong>. Unfortunately, this school and this mark of distinction have no longer existed since the previous six-year term. Although many attribute this debacle to the imposition of the journalist Isabel Arvide<\/strong> as Mexico\u2019s ambassador to Turkey by former President Andr\u00e9s Manuel L\u00f3pez Obrador<\/strong>, this experience was followed by other less fortunate or questionable appointments,\u201d he explains.<\/p>\n

For his part, in \u201cThe Heiresses\u201d<\/strong>, Sada highlights the double standards of many leaders who have become champions of equality and socialism in their political activity, while serving as clear examples of nepotism, lack of ethics and even criminality in the public sphere. \u201cIt is no secret that socialism is such a good business that it exclusively enriches, overnight, the heirs and relatives of the dictatorships where this system is imposed. Examples of this have been, for decades, the children of Fidel Castro<\/strong>, who as a tyrant plunged Cuba into the deepest misery for more than six decades, turning the former island into a concentration camp for its inhabitants, except for his children, to whom he left a fortune of more than 900 million euros that they now enjoy as part of the jet set in Spain and the rest of Europe. The dictator Hugo Ch\u00e1vez<\/strong> did nothing different with his daughter Mar\u00eda Gabriela Ch\u00e1vez<\/strong>, who presents herself as the richest woman in Venezuela, with an estimated fortune of more than 4 billion dollars in Andorran accounts and residence in the United States, something also attributed to none other than Evaliz Morales<\/strong>, daughter of the former Bolivian dictator Evo Morales<\/strong>; just as it is to the daughter of former Argentine President Cristina Kirchner<\/strong>, Florencia Kirchner<\/strong>, under investigation after more than 6 million dollars were found stuffed into two bags in one of the bathrooms of her house,\u201d he points out.<\/p>\n

In \u201cLa Luz del Mundo, facing its victims\u201d<\/strong>, the Royal Academy contributor addresses the dark and sinister relationships between the Mexican sect La Luz del Mundo<\/strong> and local power. \u201cJoaqu\u00edn Gonz\u00e1lez<\/strong>, originally from Colotl\u00e1n, Jalisco, and a former member of the Chihuahuan neo-Pentecostal sect known as the First Apostolic Church of Faith in Christ Jesus<\/strong>, created in 1915 by Romana Carbajal<\/strong>, justified his own religion by claiming the appearance of a heavenly figure who made him change his name to Aaron and proclaim himself \u2018apostle of Jesus Christ\u2019 and \u2018angel of the Apocalypse\u2019, founding the La Luz del Mundo sect in Guadalajara, Jalisco, where shortly afterwards he built its enormous wedding-cake-shaped headquarters and even a working-class neighbourhood for its followers. Since then, this organisation, servile to the PRI<\/strong> in its day, acquired monumental political and economic importance thanks to its financing by the Government<\/strong>, while also accumulating serious accusations against the dynasty headed by its family leaders, ranging from money laundering, illicit enrichment, kidnappings, rapes, disappearances and even murders, reported throughout the 20th century,\u201d he details.<\/p>\n

Sada devotes \u201cBlood in the Teocalli\u201d<\/strong> to the recent incident at the Pyramid of the Moon in Teotihuacan, where an individual opened fire on tourists visiting the archaeological site, and to its various implications, from the violence surrounding Mexican society to the unfounded political links attributed to the shooting. \u201cIt did not take long for two pro-government media outlets, \u2018Milenio\u2019<\/strong> and \u2018El Pa\u00eds\u2019<\/strong>, to try to portray the murderer as a neo-Nazi or right-winger, whom even a storyteller writing for the latter newspaper described as \u2018fascist far right\u2019 in his column, launching into a tirade in which he also pontificated against the \u2018manosphere\u2019 and about how this overshadowed a supposed \u2018historic decline in more than a decade\u2019 of massacres in Mexico, only to be ridiculed once it was proven that the murderer boasted of photographs holding The Communist Manifesto<\/em> and the edition of EZLN<\/strong> communiqu\u00e9s prefaced by Carlos Monsiv\u00e1is<\/strong> and Elena Poniatowska<\/strong>.\u201d<\/p>\n

In \u201cThe crimes of Francisco Villa: second round\u201d<\/strong>, the historian recalls the presentation of the second edition of the work \u201cCrimes of Pancho Villa\u201d<\/strong> by fellow historian Reidezel Mendoza<\/strong>. \u201cDemythologising like few others, Mendoza\u2019s work fills a series of unknown historical gaps, or gaps zealously silenced by those who live in the shadow of power, regarding the eventful life of this figure: from the myth with which he set out on the path of crime, namely the supposed \u2014 and false \u2014 defence of his sister\u2019s honour, to his incursion into the ranks of Maderismo, less out of conviction than out of the convenience of going from being pursued by justice to becoming an implacable pursuer, and finally his return to the path of crime with the same or even worse cruelty than before after his absolute defeat on the fields of Celaya,\u201d he states.<\/p>\n

\"Hern\u00e1n

Hern\u00e1n Cort\u00e9s (Prado Museum, public domain)<\/p><\/div>\n

On the other hand, in \u201cCort\u00e9sian Mexico\u201d<\/strong>, the expert focuses on the controversial visit to Mexico by Isabel D\u00edaz Ayuso<\/strong>, President of the Community of Madrid. \u201cMexico as a country is a Cort\u00e9sian product, whether or not those who, out of wilful ignorance, still subscribe to the catechism of the Ministry of Public Education<\/strong> or to the other lies of the so-called New Mexican School like it \u2014 the latter being responsible for the educational backwardness that afflicts us today, with everything that implies in terms of not knowing history or having common sense,\u201d he argues.<\/p>\n

Finally, in \u201cGonzalo Celorio: pride and identity\u201d<\/strong>, Sada welcomes the awarding of the Cervantes Prize<\/strong> to the Mexican writer Gonzalo Celorio<\/strong>, an intellectual critical of his country\u2019s government discourse. \u201cDuring the award ceremony, Gonzalo Celorio took the opportunity to recall that the repeated demand for an apology from Spain, as had already been offered by King Juan Carlos I<\/strong> during the Summit of the Americas<\/strong> in 1991, has not only been a nonsense but also anachronistic, since it is not possible to request an apology for something that happened so many centuries ago, when nation states did not even exist as they do now, and even less so when there was already violence among the indigenous societies of that time themselves. He also dismisses this demand, as absurd as it is recurrent on the part of the ruling political class since 2019, as retrotopian, for judging those indigenous societies as a kind of utopian lost paradise, without addressing their reality,\u201d he underlines.<\/p>\n

The manifesto promoted by Antonio Cordero also defends a vision of Mexican history very different from the official one. \u201cWhen they refer simplistically to \u2018the atrocities of the Conquest\u2019, we ask: which ones do they mean? We, the people of the shores of Texcoco, committed atrocities when we subjugated the Aztecs in the 13th century. As Mexica, we spread terror throughout An\u00e1huac, which explains why most Mesoamerican peoples later allied themselves with Hern\u00e1n Cort\u00e9s to free themselves from us. We committed atrocities when we were Spaniards in order to defeat Tenochtitlan, and we ordered horrifying atrocities as independence elites in the 19th century. We also conquered and mutilated ourselves in bloody civil wars and in the darkest episodes of the Revolution. Every war is atrocious, and we are the heirs of all those sides,\u201d states the text also signed by Enrique Sada.<\/p>\n

Read \u201cThe Mexican Foreign Service in decline\u201d<\/u><\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n

Read \u201cThe heiresses\u201d<\/u><\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n

Read \u201cLa Luz del Mundo, facing its victims\u201d<\/u><\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n

Read \u201cBlood in the Teocalli\u201d<\/u><\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n

Read \u201cThe crimes of Francisco Villa: second round\u201d<\/u><\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n

Read \u201cCort\u00e9sian Mexico\u201d<\/u><\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n

Read \u201cGonzalo Celorio: pride and identity\u201d<\/u><\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n